International Perspectives on Adult Education

Adult education is practiced throughout the world. Although the adult education enterprise varies in scope, philosophy, and structure in different nations, it is not unusual for approaches to adult education developed in one region or country to spread. Certainly, adult education in the United States has been influenced by the ideas of international adult educators such as Paulo Freire and Roby Kidd and by practices such as the English University Extension Movement, Swedish Study Circles, and the Danish Folk Schools (Reischmann, Bron, and Zoran 1999). Currently, a number of perspectives on adult education are evident in the international literature. Some of the trends and issues from this literature are highlighted in this Alert.

Publications from the Fifth International Conference on Adult Education held in Hamburg, Germany, in July 1997 are a particularly rich source of information on international perspectives about adult education. Sponsored by the UNESCO Institute for Education (UIE), the conference brought together more than 1,500 adult educators from around the world who participated in plenary sessions, workshops, and roundtables to shape statements about adult education and develop actions for the future. A clear trend in the conference and the documents it produced was the critical importance of adult education and adult learning "for fostering ecologically sustainable development, for promoting democracy, justice, gender equity, and scientific, social and economic development, and for building a world in which violent conflict is replaced by dialogue and a culture of peace based on justice" (UIE 1997a, p. 1). Publications from the conference, located at the following website , discuss roles for adult education in achieving these goals.

Lifelong learning is another clear trend in international publications. According to Butler (2000), "lifelong learning is rapidly becoming both the mantra and the mantle of later twentieth century education; it is both highly political and problematic, especially given its global spread" (p. 120). Several publications (e.g., Griffin 1999a,b; Holford, Jarvis, and Griffin 1998; Hunt 1999) suggest that adult educators critically examine ideas and policies related to lifelong learning. For example, many policies related to lifelong learning emphasize economic issues that focus on human capital rather than social issues (Griffin 1999a; Hunt 1999). Such narrow views of lifelong learning have a potentially negative effect on adult education.

Globalization is another trend in the international literature of adult education. Globalization is a complex phenomenon that is emerging from changes in the world economy brought about by advances in information technology but that also includes social, cultural, environmental and political arenas (Jarvis 1999; Walters 1997). It involves a shift toward a more global perspective and the breaking down of differences between and among nations (Walters 1997). Issues for adult educators related to globalization are similar to those related to lifelong learning. Because it is based on economic changes, globalization emphasizes a human resource development perspective. At issue for adult educators is how to include a more holistic perspective of education into an environment that focuses on economic issues rather than human values (ibid.).

The broad view of adult education and adult learning emanating from the Fifth International Conference on Adult Education supports the idea that adult educators should be wary of perspectives on lifelong learning and globalization that advocate an approach to education that emphasizes economic issues over one that fosters social issues and human values. The resources that follow can be consulted for further information.

Resources

Armstrong, P., ed. Crossing Borders, Breaking Boundaries. Research in the Education of Adults. An International Conference. Proceedings of the Annual SCUTREA Conference (27th, London, England, United Kingdom, July 1997). London: University of London, 1997. (ED 409 438).

Five adult education research groups from throughout the world cooperated to sponsor the 1997 Standing Conference on University Teaching and Research in the Education of Adults (SCUTREA). Many of the papers address issues related to new developments in adult education research, with a particularly strong focus on formal, informal, and lifelong learning.

Butler, E. "Book Reviews." Studies in the Education of Adults 32, no. 1 (April 2000): 120-123.

Reviews two publications on lifelong learning that offer insights into lifelong learning and affiliated issues: Coffield, F., ed., Learning at Work, 1997; and Coffield, F., ed. Why's the Beer Always Stronger Up North? Studies of Lifelong Learning in Europe. Both published by Policy Press as part of the ESRC Learning Society Series.

Field, J., and Schuller, T. "Investigating the Learning Society." Studies in the Education of Adults 31, no. 1 (April 1999): 1-9.

This introduction to a special edition on the learning society provides a discussion and critique of the emergence of the use of terms associated with the learning society. A research agenda for lifelong learning with the following categories is included: definitions of the field, participation, learners' environments, learners' careers, time and money, complementarity and competition, and the knowledge base.

Griffin, C. "Lifelong Learning and Social Democracy." International Journal of Lifelong Education 18, no. 5 (September-October 1999a): 329-342.

Griffin, C. "Lifelong Learning and Welfare Reform." International Journal of Lifelong Education 18, no. 6 (November-December 1999b): 431-452.

These two articles describe two approaches to lifelong learning and explore the scope and limitations of lifelong learning as an object of policy. The first describes the evolution of the social democratic perspective, suggesting that as a object of policy, lifelong learning stood for little more than expanding the provision of education and training. The second paper uses the policy literature to relocate traditional policy analysis in culture, civil society, and patterns of lifestyle, leisure, and consumption and make a connection between education policy and wider policies for welfare reform.

Holford, J.; Jarvis, P.; and Griffin, C., eds. International Perspectives on Lifelong Learning. London: Kogan Page, 1998.

The 30 chapters of this book are organized by 7 key areas around which the editors believe debate and analysis of lifelong learning should occur.: international policy; lifelong learning in the learning society; lifelong learning and political transitions; learning, markets, and change in welfare states; learning and change in educational structure; learning and change at work; and aims, ethics, and social purpose in lifelong learning.

Hunt, C. "Candlestick and Faces: Aspects of Lifelong Learning." Studies in the Education of Adults 31, no. 2 (October 1999): 197-209.

Suggests that the United Kingdom's current view of lifelong learning is shaped by an economic discourse that emphasizes the development of human capital. Proposes a view of lifelong learning in the context of community rather than employment and indicates some ways in which social capital may be generated within the framework of local communities.

Jarvis, P. "Global Trends in Lifelong Learning and the Response of the Universities." Comparative Education 35, no. 2 (June 1999): 249-257.

Explores trends of globalization, lifelong learning, and adult learning. Advanced capitalism is one result of the trend of globalization, and although higher education in western countries has responded to the demands of knowledge-based workers, some countries will not have enough workers to force changes in higher education. Therefore, transnational companies are initiating their own universities.

King, E. "Education Revised for a World in Transformation." Comparative Education 35, no. 2 (June 1999): 109-117.

The concept of lifelong learning, now an international topic of some urgency, has evolved over time according to its historical, social, and technological context. Current conditions (e.g., technological innovations) have transformed lifelong learning from its old status as an optional extra for older adults to a new role as an essential perspective in every phase of education.

Longworth, N., and Davies, W. K. Lifelong Learning. London: Kogan Page, 1996.

Explains the background to the current worldwide movement toward lifelong learning and describes its significant implications for the workplace as a learning organization; for the university, the school, and the teacher training organization; for the community and the nation; and for the individual.

McKenzie, P., and Wurzburg, G. "Lifelong Learning and Employability." The OECD Observer, no. 209 (December 1997-January 1998): 13-17.

Describes how lifelong learning is broader than just second chance education and training for adults; it is based on the view that everyone should be able, motivated, and actively encouraged to learn throughout life. Describes some examples of OECD member country policies related to lifelong learning.

Reischmann, J.; Bron, M., Jr.; Jelenc, Z., eds. Comparative Adult Education 1998. The Contribution of ISCAE to an Emerging Field of Study. Bamberg, Germany: International Society for Comparative Adult Education; Ljubljana: Slovenian Institute for Adult Education, 1999. (ED 430 118)

Contains 24 papers from the 1995 and 1998 International Society for Comparative Adult Education (ISCAE) conferences that bring together theory and research focusing on comparing adult education theory and practice in different countries. The papers are divided into four sections: philosophical and theoretical foundations, comparative studies, problems and pitfalls in international comparison, and international societies.

Tuckett, A. Lifelong Learning in England and Wales. An Overview and Guide to Issues Arising from the European Year of Lifelong Learning. Leicester, England: National Institute of Adult Continuing Education, 1997. (ED 424 372)

This document is an overview of the projects conducted in England and Wales as part of the European Year of Lifelong Learning. Included are eight themes that guided the work of the European Commission and its members states as they worked to promote the advantage of lifelong learning as well as the priorities of the United Kingdom.

UNESCO Institute for Education. Adult Education. The Hamburg Declaration and the Agenda for the Future. Hamburg: UIE, 1997a.

Two key documents emerging from the Fifth International Conference on Adult Education were the Hamburg Declaration on Adult Learning and the Agenda for the Future. The declaration states participants' collective beliefs about adult learning. The agenda, also developed by conference participants, focuses on common concerns and the vital role of adult learning in helping individuals face challenges with knowledge and creativity.

UNESCO Institute for Education. Fifth International Conference on Adult Education (Hamburg, Germany, July 14-18, 1997). Final Report. Hamburg: UIE, 1997b. (ED 419 957)

Summarizes a conference that was designed to show the importance of adult education for the 21st century, encourage worldwide commitment to the right of adults to education, and strengthen and expand international cooperation.

UNESCO Institute for Education. Reference Points. The Four First International Conferences on Adult Education and Their Political, Social, Cultural, and Educational Context. Hamburg: UIE, 1997c. (ED 410 379)

Contains information about the first four international conferences on adult education-Elsinore, Denmark, 1949; Montreal, Canada, 1960; Tokyo, Japan, 1972; and Paris, France, 1985-and their political, social, and educational contexts. Chronological summaries of key events that occurred in the political, social, and educational spheres in each of the years 1947-1997 are presented.

UNESCO Institute for Education. Adult Learning and the Challenges of the 21st Century. A Series of 29 Booklets Documenting Workshops Held at the Fifth International Conference on Adult Education. Hamburg: UIE, 1999.

These booklets present discussions and presentations related to the 10 themes of the Fifth International Conference on Adult Education: adult learning and the challenges of the 21st century, improving conditions and quality of adult learning, ensuring universal rights to literacy and basic education; promoting the empowerment of women; adult learning and the changing world of work; adult learning in the context of environment, health, and population; adult learning, media, and culture; adult learning and groups with special needs; the economics of adult learning; and enhancing international cooperation and solidarity.

Walters, S., ed. Globalization, Adult Education and Training: Impacts and Issues. Leicester, England: National Institute for Adult and Continuing Education, 1997.

Concerned with the role of adult education and training in the context of globalization, this book is designed to examine how adult education and training for the majority of people is being shaped by the radical restructuring of the economic, political, cultural, and social life around the world and how practitioners are responding to the new and often contradictory pressures.

Benefits of Vocational Education

After a decade of decline, the 1990s have seen a resurgence of vocational education enrollments. Of 39 states surveyed in recent research, 70 percent reported an increase since 1990 (Husain 1999). Nevertheless, secondary vocational education continues to suffer from a negative image among students, parents, educators, and policymakers. This Myths and Realities examines some popular beliefs about secondary vocational education, along with some related beliefs about the labor market and about college degrees-and some facts that may or may not support those popular beliefs.

"Voc Ed Is for Dummies and Misfits!"

Perhaps the most enduring belief about vocational education is that it's only for the noncollege bound, the potential dropouts, or other students with special needs (Stone 1993). And this belief is not confined to students and their parents; it is often shared by other educators and policymakers ("What Do People Think of Us?" 1997)-perhaps explaining why postsecondary vocational-technical education scholarship money sometimes goes untapped (West 1996). But do the facts bear it out?

No, they don't. Almost all high school students take at least some vocational courses; 80 percent take at least one occupationally specific vocational course, and one in eight academic students actually takes more vocational courses than vocational students do. Furthermore, vocational education students enter postsecondary education at about the same rate as all high school graduates (Kober and Rentner 2000; Stone 1993), and vocational students with applied academics such as math and reading in high school are just as proficient as college-prep students.

"Voc Ed Doesn't Pay Off!"

On the contrary-it does. A range of studies show that vocational graduates are more likely to be employed and earn more than their nonvocational counterparts, particularly vocational graduates who worked part time during high school (Stone 1993). There is strong evidence that the generic technical skills and occupationally specific skills provided in vocational education increase worker productivity, skill transfer, job access, and job stability when vocational graduates find training-related jobs (Bishop 1995).

"But a Four-Year College Degree Is the Ticket!"

A related set of beliefs about the labor market may reinforce the traditional negative image of vocational education. Assuming that technical training is inferior to academic programs (West 1996), parents want their children to go to college and get a four-year degree because it will assure them a job (Vo 1997). Indeed, there is a widespread belief among parents that a four-year college degree will guarantee their children a place in the middle class. Students themselves are often quite confident on this point; in one study, half of male and 68 percent of female high school students believed that with a four-year degree, they would have a nice, professional job by the time they were 30 years old (Gray 1997). Such beliefs are often attributed to numerous reports in the 1980s that American industry would suffer severely in the 21st century from shortages of scientists, engineers, and mathematicians (Berliner and Biddle 1996).

The reality of the labor market is quite different, however. Gray (1997) gives this analysis:

Among college students who graduate with a four-year degree, only two of three will find employment related to their field of study.
Among college students who graduate with a professional credential (e.g., for teaching, engineering, or accounting), only one in two will find related employment.
A four-year degree does not guarantee a high income. Although college graduates have higher average earnings than high school graduates, only some of the variation in earnings can be attributed to education; supply and demand are the most important factors.
The U.S. Department of Labor's Managerial/Professional job grouping is indeed at the top of the salary ladder. But the next rung down on the ladder is Craft, Precision Metal, and Specialized Repair-occupations in virtually every industry and every work environment like construction drafter, medical lab technician, manufacturing systems operator, computer repairperson, and paralegal that pay well but require specific occupational skills available in secondary and postsecondary vocational-technical programs or apprenticeship programs.

A closer look at supply and demand in the labor market uncovers another reality to contradict the belief that a four-year college degree is the ticket to success. That fact is that professional occupations make up only 20 percent of all jobs (ibid.). The numbers are startling:

At the start of this decade [the 1990s], the economy was creating nine new cashier jobs for every computer programming job, and the U.S. now has nine times as many janitors as it has lawyers, accountants, investment bankers, stockbrokers, and computer programmers combined. The biggest sector of the job market is now service, not manufacturing. (Berliner and Biddle 1996, p. 38)

Technical employment is the fastest-growing segment of the labor market.. Most technical work will not require a four-year college degree. Only 25 percent of all technical work requires a four-year or graduate degree. The fastest-growing piece of the high-skill, high-wage technical workplace is occupations that require an associate's degree. (Gray 1997, p. 26)

"One million new programming jobs come open in the next nine years." That one million is only the beginning. Add many more million positions going begging for skilled welders and machinists, electricians and plumbers, healthcare workers, and repair people of all stripes, and you begin to get the picture. (Brady 1999, p. 41)

Although technologically sophisticated jobs will grow, the biggest chunk of openings will be in services-and not very high-tech services at that. In the next decade, five million new jobs will be created for food workers, including kitchen help, waiters, and waitresses. Another four million will be for cashiers and retail salespeople. More than three million will be for clerks. Two million will be for helpers, packagers, and laborers. Openings for truck drivers will abound. Managerial and professional occupations will also need more workers, but their numbers pale compared with openings requiring less education.. The Labor Department projects an increase from 1996 to 2006 of less than 1 percent in the overall share of workers in occupations requiring a college degree. (Rothstein 1999, p. B-9)

"College-One Size Fits All!"

Another common belief among parents is that every child has the aptitude and interests to succeed in an academic four-year college degree program. Parents often believe that if their children get grades of B or C in the high school college-prep track, they are well prepared for college. After all, why would a college accept them if they weren't well prepared? Likewise, parents often believe that their child will, if necessary, make the crucial transition from community college to a four-year college (Gray 1997).

Of course, many high school graduates do have the interests, aptitude, and academic preparation needed for college academic courses, but statistics do not present a rosy picture across the board (ibid.):

According to some estimates, only about 30 percent of high school graduates possess the aptitude and receive the academic preparation needed for success in college academic courses.
In 1996, 27 percent of college freshmen dropped out-an all-time high.
The best estimates are that about half of the students in four-year programs graduate within six years; the worst estimates, as low as 30 percent.
Only about 12 percent of community college students are found at four-year colleges 3 years later.

Another study looked at graduation rates 5 years after starting college for students of different income groups (Bracey 1999): (1) among students from families with income of $68,000 or more, 41 percent had graduated; (2) among students from families with income of between $22,000 and $68,000, 19 percent had graduated; and (3) among students from families with income of $22,000 or less, only 6 percent had graduated.

Those differences across income groups were much more pronounced than differences across ethnic groups. After the same 5 years, graduation rates were 27 percent for whites, 18 percent for Hispanics, and 17 percent for blacks.

A Ray of Hope?

As we have seen, there is a raft of common misconceptions about vocational education, the labor market, and the four-year college degree; in particular the name "vocational education" often invokes an automatic negative response. At the same time, however, people often reveal very favorable attitudes toward many of the elements that are a traditional part of vocational education (Vo 1997):

In a nationwide survey of 1,000 people, 83 percent agreed that "schools should focus on career preparation" (p. 20).
In a survey of nearly 1,400 Missouri residents, 91 percent thought schools should place "much greater emphasis on teaching knowledge and skills relevant to the job market, like computers, math, and science" (p. 22).
In a random telephone survey of 500 Oklahoma citizens, nearly all were in favor of career preparation in school.

A survey of Washington residents revealed similar attitudes (Washington State Workforce Training and Education Board 1997). Almost 9 of 10 respondents agreed that high schools should provide some kind of career preparation to every student before graduation; 3 of 4 said that career education should start before high school; and a whopping 96 percent favored education for every student that provided a strong academic foundation, hands-on learning experience, and an opportunity to practice what he or she has learned in a work-based setting.

In a smaller nationwide survey ("What Do People Think of Us?" 1997), respondents split exactly 50-50 on the big question of whether or not vocational education was for high school students who didn't plan to go to college. However, respondents had overwhelmingly positive reactions to smaller, individual questions about vocational education:

76 percent said that all students would benefit from vocational education.
90 percent agreed or strongly agreed that vocational education prepared students for good-paying jobs.
92 percent agreed or strongly agreed that vocational education can lead students to go to college.
Only 4 percent agreed that vocational education led to low-skill jobs.
98 percent said that internships or apprenticeships in different career fields were appropriate for high school juniors and seniors.
90 percent said that real work-based problems or career-related projects were a good way to teach subjects like math and English.

These survey results present a curious contradiction. Many people-but not all-have a negative overall image of vocational education, probably based at least in part on mistaken assumptions about how today's labor market actually works. Yet the great majority of people have a very positive reaction to the elements that are the very foundation of vocational education: a focus on career preparation; knowledge and skills that are relevant for the job market; the possibility of challenging careers, good-paying jobs, and college. Such favorable attitudes toward the foundation elements of vocational education may represent a new trend for the new millennium.

References

Berliner, D. C., and Biddle, B. J. "In Defense of Schools." Vocational Education Journal 71, no. 3 (March 1996): 36-38. (EJ 519 291)

Bishop, J. H. Expertise and Excellence. Ithaca: School of Industrial and Labor Relations at Cornell University, 1995. (ED 389 853)

Bracey, G. W. "The Forgotten 42%." Phi Delta Kappan 80, no. 9 (May 1999): 711-712. (EJ 585 687)

Brady, J. T. "My Son, the Technician." Tech Directions 58, no. 7 (February 1999): 41.

Gray, K. C. "The Gatekeepers." Techniques 71, no. 9 (January 1997): 24-27. (EJ 535 321)

Husain, D. D. "Good News on the Horizon." Techniques 74, no. 3 (March 1999): 14-17. (EJ 580 988)

Kober, N., and Rentner, D. S. Do You Know the Good News about American Education? Washington, DC: Center on Education Policy and American Youth Policy Forum, 2000.

Rothstein, R. "Shortage of Skills? A High-Tech Myth" New York Times, October 27, 1999, p. B-9.

Stone, J. "Debunking the Myths." Vocational Education Journal 68, no. 1 (January 1993): 26-27, 56. (EJ 455 319)

Vo, C. H. "Not for My Child." Techniques 71, no. 9 (January 1997): 20-23. (EJ 535 320)

Washington State Workforce Training and Education Board. Education and Workforce Issues: Public Attitudes and Awareness. Olympia, WA: WSWTEB, 1997. (ED 425 347)

West, P. "Scholarships for Voc Ed Go Untapped." Education Week 15 (April 3, 1996): 3.

"What Do People Think of Us?" Techniques 72, no. 6 (September 1997): 15. (EJ 553 296)



Looking for a job in the education sector? Visit Education America Network (for US job postings) or Education Canada Network (for Canadian opportunities).

Career Certificates: High Quality and Cutting Edge?

Certificates are a "valuable new currency" in the information economy (National Alliance of Business 2000). Traditional credentials no longer suffice as knowledge has exploded, new fields and occupational specialties are emerging, jobs and organizations change rapidly, and working lives lengthen. A postbaccalaureate or postmaster's certificate enables adults to acquire market-demanded competencies in a short time (Driscoll 1996). Many certificate seekers are currently employed adults looking for focused, flexible, interdisciplinary, and highly relevant educational opportunities (Patterson et al. 1998; White 1997). Certificate programs "may serve as good introductions to adult students considering, but cautious about, entering degree programs" (University of Wisconsin 1996, online, n.p.). They may be the foundation for further training or a follow-up to previous training (NAB 2000). The massive market for certificates has been estimated at 40-50 million people, but it is difficult to determine how many are awarded outside mainstream institutions (Kohl and LaPidus 2000). The most popular certificate programs are those related to health care and information technology (e.g., e-commerce, Internet publishing, online teaching) (Kohl and LaPidus 2000; NAB 2000).

Adult learners with specific goals and multiple responsibilities are fueling demand for distance delivery. The number of distance subbaccalaureate certificate programs offered by colleges and universities nearly doubled from 1995-1998 (Lewis et al. 1999). However, 45.5% of 113 graduate certificate programs surveyed by Patterson (1998) had no distance offerings. For-profit virtual institutions are rushing to fill this gap (Marchese 1999). The certificates phenomenon and the rise of new types of providers raise issues about quality and currency.

Quality. Some certificates are tied to industry and professional standards. However, there is no comprehensive quality assurance system for certificate programs similar to that for college degrees (Marchese 1999). If a collection of certificates demonstrates competency, are master's degrees still relevant? On the other hand, certificate earners may have cutting-edge skills but lack a broader perspective (Kohl and LaPidus 2000). Learners should ask critical questions about program sponsors, course content, updating/refreshers, and whether the certificate is recognized and valued by employers or transferable to degree programs (Driscoll 1996).

Currency. The relevance of course content is a critical issue in short-term programs. Are learners acquiring competencies that will soon be obsolete? Institutions offering certificates should have in place a review process (Hutton 1997) or sunset clause (Patterson 1998) to revise or retire programs that no longer align with workplace needs. A fast-track approval process helps get new programs established quickly to meet changing demands (ibid.).

Certificates can help adults upgrade skills or change career paths while accommodating their personal needs and learning styles. However, learners and providers should be wary of an uncritical focus on delivery over content as well as the bottom-line orientation of employers who may fund certificates as good investments in worker skills. These concerns should not overshadow the key elements of a good certificate program: quality of the subject matter, learning outcomes, and the validity of the credential (Irby 1999).

Resources

Black, L. H. "Computing Survival Skills: Training the Workforce to Stay Abreast of Technology." CAUSE/EFFECT 21, no. 4 (1998): 49-52. (EJ 579 939)

The University of Virginia's Computing Survival Skills program addresses the ongoing technology training needs of staff with a series of workshops that result in a certificate in computer troubleshooting skills.

Brown, B. L. Vocational Certificates and College Degrees. ERIC Digest No. 212. Columbus, OH: ERIC Clearinghouse on Adult, Career, and Vocational Education, 1999. (ED 434 248)

Compares the economic benefits of career certificates and college degrees, their employment outcomes, and their role in the lifelong learning patterns of career-focused individuals.

Carr, S. "Enrollment Growth Remains Slow at Western Governors University." Chronicle of Higher Education 46, no. 19 (January 14, 2000): A49.

The number of students enrolled in degree and certificate programs at Western Governors University, a virtual university, is significantly lower than projected. The low enrollments may be the result of the amount of time it took to plan and implement programs.

Driscoll, M. "Professional Development: Certification Programs." Training Scene 26, no. 3 (March 1996): 5-8. (ED 397 262)

Discusses the benefits of certificate programs; lists 12 questions to ask, pertaining to programs' sponsors, content, recognition, and refresher requirements.

Gordon, G. "Fancy Certificates May Not Be All They're Cracked up to Be." Business Times (South Africa), May 31, 1998.

Some private sector providers of certification in computer skills may be unscrupulous operators who issue certificates without ever testing learners. The information technology industry is attempting to establish standards that will enhance the value of certificates.

Green, D. J. "Educational Institutions and Industry-Oriented Certifications." Delta Pi Epsilon Journal 41, no. 2 (Spring 1999): 63-65.

Presents a rationale for business educators considering offering industry-oriented certification courses. Focuses on the options, requirements, and the benefits for educational institutions, students, and business and industry.

Hutton, S. "Declining Enrollment Sparks Certificate Review: Lessons Learned." Canadian Journal of University Continuing Education 23, no. 2 (Fall 1997): 23-41. (EJ 557 825)

Advisory committees and surveys of students and employers were used to revise the human resources and personnel management certificate programs at the University of Calgary. Revisions were done in the context of resource constraints, postsecondary competition, and declining enrollment.

Irby, A. J. "Postbaccalaureate Certificates: Higher Education's Growth Market." Change 31, no. 2 (March-April 1999): 36-43.

Examines factors behind the growth in certificate programs and the differences between university and nonuniversity providers. Outlines the opportunities and threats for institutions and for learners.

Kerchoff, A. C., and Bell, L. "Hidden Capital: Vocational Credentials and Attainment in the United States." Sociology of Education 71, no. 2 (April 1998): 152-174. (EJ 568 059)

Analysis of recent occupational data suggests that postsecondary educational credentials have varied effects on early labor force outcomes. Some credentials have greater value in the work force than associate's degrees, and their effects often differ for men and women.

Kohl, K. J., and LaPidus, J. B., eds. Postbaccalaureate Futures: New Markets, Resources, Credentials. Phoenix, AZ: Oryx Press/American Council on Education, 2000.

Investigates the burgeoning market for postbaccalaureate credentials; discusses certification for employability and the issues surrounding quality assurance and accreditation.

Lewis, L.; Farris, E.; Snow, K.; and Levin, D. Distance Education at Postsecondary Education Institutions: 1997-98. Washington, DC: National Center for Education Statistics, 1999.

The possibility of completing degree and certificate programs solely through distance education offers the potential for the most dramatic changes in access and opportunity. The number of distance education degree and certificate programs offered at higher education institutions has nearly doubled.

Marchese, T. J. "The Certificates Phenomenon." Change 31, no. 2 (March-April 1999): 4.

Developments in postbaccalaureate certificate programs are outrunning the capacity of existing quality assurance mechanisms. In addition, the efficiency and vocational directness of such programs may induce the expectation that all postsecondary education should be offered this way.

Naftali, L., and Naftali, J. E. You're Certifiable: The Alternative Career Guide to More than 700 Certificate Programs, Trade Schools, and Job Opportunities. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1999.

This comprehensive directory of certificate programs throughout the country provides data on how to get certified in a career, how long it will take, how much it costs, and what to expect on the job.

National Alliance of Business. "Skills Certificates Signal Competencies in a Demand-Driven Economy." WorkAmerica 17, no. 3. Washington, DC: NAB, March 2000.

Describes how businesses are collaborating with education providers to develop standards and curricula for employer-recognized certificates. Explains forces driving the demand for these credentials.

National Center for Education Statistics. Subbaccalaureate Persistence and Attainment. Washington, DC: NCES, 1997. (ED 411 918)

Certificate seekers were more likely than associate degree seekers to attain a postsecondary credential (55% versus 43%, respectively); within 5 years of initial enrollment, 50% had earned a certificate, and 4% had earned an associate's degree.

Patterson, W. Summarizing Data on Certificate Programs. Washington, DC: Council of Graduate Schools, 1998.

Contains the tabulated results of the certificate survey conducted initially through the Council of Graduate Schools deans' discussion list in 1998. The data depict the policies and procedures being used in the administration of graduate certificate programs at many institutions.

Patterson, W. Analyzing Policies and Procedures for Graduate Certificate Programs. Washington, DC: Council of Graduate Schools, 1999a.

Discusses policy issues related to certificate programs and concludes with a set of model guidelines for the administration of certificate programs.

Patterson, W. "A Model of Shared Leadership for Graduate Certificate Programs." Continuing Higher Education Review 63 (Fall 1999b): 68-79. (EJ 590 724)

Shared governance of graduate certificate programs by graduate schools and continuing education schools would take advantage of different strengths: graduate schools offer quality assurance, and continuing education has a market orientation and understanding of work force development needs.

Patterson, W.; Cooper, S.; Spak, G. T.; Bernstein, B. L.; Lynch, C. B.; and Leyton-Brown, D. Certificate Programs: A Survey of Our Status and Review of Successful Programs in the U.S. and Canada. Washington, DC: Council of Graduate Schools, 1998.

Presents results of a survey of universities offering graduate certificate programs and analysis of programs at Indiana University, New Jersey Institute of Technology, Arizona State University, the University of Colorado-Boulder, and the Ontario Council on Graduate Studies.

Skinner, R. A. "A Vision Expressed: Clayton State Answers Business' Call for New IT Programs." Educom Review 34, no. 2 (March-April 1999): 22-25. (EJ 586 314)

Describes the Information Technology Career Ladder program at Clayton College and State University (Georgia), the first competency-based, three-tiered (certificate, associate, bachelor's degrees) IT program at a U.S. university.

Sorensen, A. A., and Snider, J. C. "Linking the University Campus with the Global Village in the 21st Century." Journal of Continuing Higher Education 46, no. 3 (Fall 1998): 2-7. (EJ 573 001)

Electronically delivered degree and certificate programs must meet three criteria: quality assurance, faculty security, and financial support that facilitates institutional competitiveness. The demand for higher education will shift substantially toward the global marketplace.

University of Wisconsin. Report and Recommendations. Adult Access Working Group. Milwaukee: University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, December 1996.

Recommends expanding undergraduate and graduate certificate programs to meet the needs of the adult student market. Notes that such development should not diminish but strengthen ongoing and new degree programs.

White, C. J. "Understanding Executive Certificate Participants." Australian Journal of Adult and Community Education 37, no. 3 (November 1997): 188-190. (EJ 555 046)

Responses from 27 of 51 participants in an executive certification program indicated that most were motivated by enhanced job and promotion opportunities, especially those aged 20-39. Over 50% received financial assistance or time off from employers for study.

Lifelong Learning

A myth, in one sense, is a vision or story describing an ideal or utopian state (Wain 2000). The concept of lifelong learning is surrounded by competing myths or visions that represent very different perspectives about the purposes and goals of education. "As is the case of other desirable social objectives, there is often a perceived gap between the ideal and the reality, the theory and the practice, the promise and the performance" (Holford, Jarvis, and Griffin 1998, p. 22). This publication examines some of these myths.

Lifelong Learning: Your Money or Your Life?

The idea that learning takes place throughout life has long been espoused by the adult education field (Martin 2000). In the 1990s, policymakers around the globe seized on the concept. The European Union declared 1996 the European Year of Lifelong Learning, and a flood of policy documents has been produced by government agencies in the United Kingdom and United States (Oliver 1999; 21st Century Skills 1999; U.S. Department of Labor 1999). The vision depicted in these documents is of a world transformed by a global economy and technological change, increasing access to information and altering traditional forms of knowledge production (Hake 1999). Individuals, organizations, and nations must adapt flexibly and continuously in order to compete and survive. The key to survival, it is stressed, is lifelong learning, the foundation of learning organizations, a learning society, a learning culture (Fryer et al. 1999; Hake 1999).

These influential policy statements and the initiatives resulting from them are based on a predominantly economic rationale. They argue that globalization and technological change are widespread and permanent, and they suggest that shortages of high-level skills and inadequate education and training systems put the economic competitiveness of nations at risk. New work systems that require flexible, autonomous workers make human capital the most important resource in learning organizations. Continuous upgrading of skills is viewed as an investment in human capital (Coffield 1997). Lifelong skill development is considered primarily an individual responsibility. The role of the state, in partnership with employers, is to provide access to learning opportunities among which individuals are free to choose (ibid.).

However, the human capital/economic perspective has been the subject of intensive critique, primarily in the United Kingdom and other European nations. Wain (2000) describes how "actively propagated myths can be very persuasively represented as reality to the extent that people behave toward them as though they were real" (p. 39). As Wain and others (Bagnall 2000; Baptiste 1999; Oliver 1999) observe, the human capital perspective assumes that the new global economic order is inevitable and that desirable changes are driven by market and technological forces. In this view, lifelong learning is "an inherently good thing and as such requires little, or no further justification" (Atkin 2000, p. 258). Many publications begin with these assumptions, which are criticized on the one hand for being based on values and ideology (Oliver 1999) and on the other for being accepted uncritically and without examination (Coffield 1997).

The chief criticisms of the economic rationale include the following (Baptiste 1999; Coffield 1997; Hake 1999; Oliver 1999): (1) it turns education from a public good to a private commodity, reducing individuals to their worker/producer/consumer roles, including consumers of educational services; (2) it shifts responsibility to the individual and ignores the socially constructed nature of learning; (3) it overemphasizes the instrumental and vocational purposes of learning to the exclusion of others; and (4) it rewards primarily those learning activities that can show a visible and quick return.

It is true that levels of formal educational attainment and expenditures on employee training continue to increase (Livingstone 1999), some of which can be attributed directly or indirectly to policy initiatives. And the learning marketplace does increase flexibility and choice for some, but the experience of the learning organization and the opportunities it offers is quite different for workers in the new categories of "permanent core, contractual fringe, and flexible periphery" (Hake 1999, p. 84). These new forms of work have increased underemployment and job insecurity (Livingstone 1999; Oliver 1999). One in 10 workers is in a nontraditional arrangement, the majority not by choice (U.S. Department of Labor 1999). Even in companies that are considered model learning organizations, "efforts expended in learning, in being flexible.go unrewarded" (Holford, Jarvis, and Griffin 1999, p. 288).

Despite some examples to the contrary in some countries and industries, there is a gap between the demand for and supply of educated workers, between employers' claims for skill needs and their actual hiring practices (Coffield 1997). Most job growth since 1970 has been in the services sector. Although jobs in high-tech areas and those requiring higher qualifications are among the fastest growing, occupational growth rates should not be confused with the actual numbers of new jobs (Rothstein 1999). In other words, individuals are encouraged to improve their skills continuously, yet they may be competing for a limited number of high-skill jobs. The lack of skilled workers is presented as the total explanation for a much more complex situation. A "let them eat skills" approach (Coffield 1997) suggests that workers must adapt to the "inevitable" system without questioning whether the system can or should be changed.

An alternative to the human capital approach is a vision of lifelong learning based on social capital theory (Schuller 1998). In human capital theory, individuals make economically rational choices to build their "capital" by developing skills and accumulating educational qualifications; outcomes are measured in terms of income, productivity, and other economic indicators of success. In contrast, individuals' stock of social capital is built through relationships based on trust and acceptance of mutual obligations, social values and norms encourage working for the common good, and outcomes are measured in terms of social well-being (ibid.). In this view, lifelong learning is a public good with the goal of enriching individuals and society. Rather than worklong learning (Hunt 1999), which focuses on preparation for occupational goals, lifelong learning prepares individuals for a variety of life roles, including citizenship. However, strong social capital could actually hinder learning in close-knit societies where someone who acquires educational qualifications risks separation from the community (Schuller 1998).

The economic story (or myth) is not intrinsically wrong-of course there is value in developing knowledgeable workers and a healthy economy (Hunt 1999; Schuller 1998). But it is a highly selective story that limits the purposes and goals of lifelong learning. Adding social capital to the narrative, as well as recognizing individual learning goals that may have neither economic nor social benefits, makes for a broader perspective.

The Learning Divide

To complicate the picture further, not all of the policy discourse on lifelong learning focuses exclusively on an economic vision. Many policy documents express concern for social inclusion, for widening participation in learning, for equity and social justice issues (Martin 2000). Disparities in educational attainment and increased socioeconomic inequities are recognized, and the value of personal development, social learning, and active citizenship is acknowledged (Coffield 1997; Martin 2000). However, the discussion about widening access depicts a divide between participants and nonparticipants, learners and nonlearners. This issue may also be viewed in terms of competing myths.

The rhetoric about the learning society seems to be based on the belief that most adults do not participate in learning and the solution is to provide access and motivation (Tight 1998). However, there is conflicting evidence about participation. Much research consistently finds that those who have higher educational attainment participate more in lifelong learning; professional, managerial, and college-educated workers are more likely to receive employer-sponsored training (Coffield 1997; 21st Century Skills 1999). But other studies have contradictory findings that reflect differences in how learning and participation are defined (Tight 1998). Does participation mean formal study resulting in degree completion? Full time? Credit or noncredit? Does informal learning count and how is it measured? The divide may not be between learners and nonlearners but between what kinds of learning are recognized and legitimized or not (ibid.).

A longitudinal study by Gorard et al. (1998) found evidence of a "learning trajectory"-a stable learning identity or pattern over the lifespan, as well as a strong correlation between socioeconomic status and participation in formal learning. They concluded that nonparticipants may not see education as appropriate or beneficial. It may be an issue of such barriers as unwillingness to incur debt, lack of time, or family responsibilities, or it may be the nature of the opportunities themselves, not a deficiency in attitude or motivation.

Often, the use of the word "learning" in policy documents narrowly means "planned, purposeful, and intended learning," not the type of learning people do all the time-the ongoing process of change and adaptation to life circumstances (Coffield 1997; Tight 1999). There are no "nonlearners," though there may be nonparticipants in formal learning activities. Learning is not merely the acquisition of information or skills but a significant change in capability or understanding (Coffield 1997).

Related to participation myths is the idea that adult learning is a voluntary activity. Learning society rhetoric, financial incentives, and employer and social pressures are resulting in a new form of compulsory learning, learning as a "life sentence," a new form of social control (Coffield 1997; Tight 1999). The implication is that "lifelong learning is a duty, a moral obligation for any responsible member of society" (Atkin 2000, p. 255).

Conclusion

Neither the human capital nor the social capital perspective tells the whole story about lifelong learning. The competing visions differ in their beliefs about the purposes of learning and they depend on one's position: educational provider, employer, policymaker, individual (Oliver 1999). There is value on both sides, but the human capital approach has predominated in practice, benefitting only some groups and restricting the vision of a learning society to one aspect of human experience-work. A more inclusive vision of lifelong learning would define it more broadly as "the capacity to learn to live a life in changing times" (Hake 1999, p. 87). In this view, learning involves the extension of human potential and is an intrinsically worthwhile endeavor (Atkin 2000). In practice this must include learning for citizenship and democratic participation as well as work and leisure (Oliver 1999). The Learning Society should be rooted in the culture of learning in families and communities as well as workplaces and marketplaces.

References

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